Glen Galaich:
Welcome to another edition of Break Fake Rules. I am delighted to be here with the new recipient of the FCCP Legacy Award. Much deserved, Ludovic Blain, thank you for joining us.
Ludovic Blain:
Thank you so much for having me. Really glad to be here.
Glen Galaich:
And one thing I want to say at the outset is that with Ludovic, this is a masterclass and how to do philanthropy and I wouldn't even call it philanthropy. It's really how you do social change and you do with a racial justice lens. So let's get started.
Ludovic Blain:
I'm psyched.
Glen Galaich:
I wanted to put up a disclaimer that you are a recipient of Stupski Foundation money proudly, in my opinion, I hope you feel the same way.
Ludovic Blain:
And proudly as a recipient.
Glen Galaich:
Yes, he has to say that, which is a fake rule by the way, and I'm so happy to have you here and I have to tell you, having had several deep conversations in my opinion, I think for you it's just your day to day. There's a lot going on in your mind that people I think don't typically think about In this sector, you are seeing outside that small slice that most of us are seeing and whether it comes to systemic racism, whether it comes to philanthropy, and I'm sure so much more policy. And otherwise, when you look at the world of philanthropy, you see things in status, not people status. You see things in tax status. What does that mean and why does that take us right into fake rules right away?
Ludovic Blain:
So I run the California Donor Table and I've worked with donors for decades and it took me a while to realize that c3 nonpartisan funding was not the natural state of money.
Glen Galaich:
Come stop you right there. What is c3 nonpartisan funding is?
Ludovic Blain:
So c3 money, the two biggest pieces of c3 money is first when donors give it, they get a tax deduction. That is the only thing that's guaranteed about c3 money in order to get the tax deduction, the funding, what that money goes to is heavily, heavily restricted. It cannot be used on partisan activities. It only partially can be used on lobbying activities.
And here's a variety of other things that it cannot be used for. So when it's coming from the donor's pocket or more functionally from their bank account where it's completely unrestricted and then it goes to a foundation or some other entity that promises to use it in c3 ways, the beneficiary of that is actually the donor getting a tax deduction. And then the people who receive the money have to pledge to follow those heavy restrictions.
Glen Galaich:
And those are real rules.
Ludovic Blain:
And those are not fake rules. So those are actual rules.
Glen Galaich:
So the fake rule rule established by law of the 501(c)3 code.
Ludovic Blain:
So those are real rules. The fake rule is that a donor has to make that decision in the first place. And so what usually happens, and there's a whole industry both on the foundation side and the nonprofit grantees.
Glen Galaich:
The recipients of the money.
Ludovic Blain:
The final recipients of the money.
Glen Galaich:
The final recipients of the money because of course the foundation is a recipient. It's the first recipient, right? That's right. Which no one ever thinks about that one. That's a much broader conversation.
Ludovic Blain:
So the question is why are donors making decisions to heavily restrict their money for the final recipients of that money? And the one beneficiary of it is the donor because they're getting a tax deduction.
Glen Galaich:
Which can be as high as it can reduce their tax liability as much as 79%. Right? It's a huge number.
Ludovic Blain:
And many wealthy people actually pay quite low tax rates to begin with to begin with. So the question of whether they need that tax benefit or not, if they're able to give that robust amount of money, they actually don't need that tax write off first of all. Second, it's a little bit like realizing that you get a discount, you want to build a house, you realize you get a discount on wood beams, so you buy as many wood beams as possible because you get a discount on them. The house that you end up building has no windows, but it was a cheaper house.
Glen Galaich:
Much cheaper. Can't see anything outside.
Ludovic Blain:
But the people living in the house do not benefit from it. It was the person who bought the wood beams, probably they decide not to live in that house probably. So when we're trying to make the change that we want by only using the tools that have tax benefits to the donors, if that's what we're doing, we should be very explicit about that. And that dynamic is a fake rule that we need to interrupt.
Glen Galaich:
We can almost stop here and just let everybody go and think about what you just said. That is huge. And I really encourage anyone watching right now to let what he just said sink in, because you're basically saying that with the 100% of available resources we could have for change by merely moving it into a private foundation, you are just containing the power of that resource down to some percentage we can't quantify, but it's a lot less than it could have been.
Ludovic Blain:
It's a lot less impactful. And many groups who have multiple tax status entities would say if the donor's actually paying 10%, 20% tax rate, they would prefer 80 or 90 cents actually unrestricted money
Glen Galaich:
Given to them, given to, returned to them
Ludovic Blain:
Or returned to them, exactly, rather than a dollar of heavily restricted c3 funds. And I'm saying heavily restricted c3 funds because there's no such thing as unrestricted c3 funds.
Glen Galaich:
That line. You hit me with the day and I am trying to learn as I'm going through this and you're turning out to be one of my great teachers right here. You said that to me the other day. You said to me there's no such thing as an unrestricted foundation grant, which I think there are people watching right now who are huge advocates for unrestricted foundation grants. And they would say, of course there are. What are you talking about? So by the time, what are you talking about?
Ludovic Blain:
Right? So again, in this case, I'm talking to the donors that are making their original decision as to where the money
Glen Galaich:
We're pre foundation here.
Ludovic Blain:
Right. Pre foundation. And so for donors and advisors who are pre foundation, they should not presuppose what tax status money is needed for the work. And I can tell you almost every outcome requires more than just c3 activities. There is no issue where the bad guys are only spending c3 money. There is no issue where in fact the bad guys are spending mostly c3 money. But on the left, we have a whole industry of folks who are essentially trying to figure out the most strategic way to play checkers in a chess game. The other side, their bishops and queen, sometimes they have more than one queen because they have lots of money they can spend on every type of piece, their pawns, they're all talking to each other both legally and potentially illegally. On the left, we segregate out the c3 side. We have labor folks who usually don't spend c3 money, they spend more political money, and then we have individual donors spending political money. They each think that they're the only pieces on the side.
Glen Galaich:
They're not communicating.
Ludovic Blain:
They're not communicating,
Glen Galaich:
At least in your experience.
Ludovic Blain:
In my experience, not enough. And we're not actually aligned. The other side rarely seems to disagree with each other. So they seem to have some way of figuring out alignment even though the rich folks think the poor ones are dumb, I think, and the poor ones think the rich folks are going to hell, they actually don't have fundamental agreements.
They each think bad things are going to happen to other parts of their coalition. And despite that, they're able to have a strategy together, a pretty robust multi-task status, multi-decade strategy together.
So on the left, we need to make sure that even though some folks are siloed into foundation, some folks are siloed into labor union, some folks are siloed into working with individual donors who some of whom only want to give political money. Instead of thinking that one of those kinds of money is more important than the other, we need to realize that the soup that we're trying to create requires many ingredients and we actually need to get them all into the same pot in the right balance and the right timing so that when it's time to make all of it work to be building and wielding power, we actually have what we need there.
Glen Galaich:
So that went exactly where I thought it would go very quickly into a huge ecosystem that you're working in. So I'm going to just kind of summarize this back a little bit here. We were at a point where you were talking about the restricted nature of c3 and appropriately, you went to a wider zone and you said, okay, so here's what it looks like when you're only in c3 and you're only working with c3 actors, which are nonprofits that take these funds and then by taking them are restricted in how they can act in a political and social environment. I hope that made sense to people. I think. I hope so. That's where we are. So then we get to these other actors. You started throwing some other actors onto the table, which you called the chess board, right? The checkerboard, I guess would be metaphorically the c3 world or any single slice, any single slice, any single tax status, not working the whole board, right? Alright, so let's go to another tax status for a second. You've already taken this, so I'm just going to bring you back into the tax status piece, which is c4.
Ludovic Blain:
So I'll go. So c3, tax deduction for the donor heavily, heavily restricted. c4 has two components. First of all, no tax deduction for the donor, so there's no tax benefit to the donor. Some foundations can fund a limited set of c4 activities. Basically the non-partisan ones, they can fund things that are not for or against candidates. Lobbying and initiatives are examples of that. That's what's called c4. Primary purpose c4 secondary purposes are partisan work, which are work for and against candidates. Only individual donors can give to that. Okay? Again, all c4 giving does not have tax benefits to the donor and therefore there are far fewer restrictions on the final recipient upon receiving the money. So that's c4 work. The next piece would be direct political activities, whether it's direct candidate contributions or what's called independent expenditures, political expenditures for against candidates, but that are not aligned with the candidate campaign. Foundations can't give any of that. Individual donors have to give that. That's a fuller spectrum of tax status activities. And we do have a family of entities getting different kinds of money for different kinds of activities and aligning the various activities towards goals, short, medium, and long term.
And knowing that different people have to pay for different parts. For example, in a foundation rich state like California, there's far less of a reason for individual donors who don't need tax benefits to actually give C3 because foundations should fully fund the C3 activities. We have enough of them here in California. That's not true in most other states. But here we have enough foundations that if they spent it strategically, donors could focus on the type of expenditures that foundations cannot fund.
Glen Galaich:
Okay. Let me just work in my own mind what you're saying. You're kind of getting it into an area that is really important to me and that is this moment when a liquidity event happens. You're a tech billionaire now or you're about to be, and you go to your estate planner and you said something even earlier in the conversation about who's there to advise a person when they're about to become a donor or could become a donor. And you typically don't. It's not you Ludovic, it's sitting there. Is it it's an estate planner, it's an accountant, it's an investment advisor or some version of all three and where's their interest? Is it in social change?
Ludovic Blain:
No, I've not seen any evidence of that. The evidence that I see is that those financial advisors and usually the person about to be very wealthy, are pursuing essentially to have the most amount of money without understanding the multiplier or divider of how restricted is that amount of money when you decide to take a tax benefit. And that's what's going to drive your strategy as a donor is post tax benefit. That's handcuffing yourself. And this is before you have any grantees. This is before any of those pieces. So it's hard for the field to engage with those folks. We have actually begun to start to engage with some financial advisors just to have them understand this. I don't think that they make money from setting up the foundations, but I think because donors, the foundation industrial complex and the C threes, valorize C3 funding over other tax status funding, people get a shine for making a foundation.
Glen Galaich:
I'm going to stop you right there because you just defined perhaps the most fundamental fake rule of the field you and I work in. You don't know what incentivizes them. There's no law that says people have to put their money into a C3, but there is this force of a fake rule that you need to do it, and everybody is moving in that direction. And as a result, whether they want it or not, the donor is restricting him or herself and everyone they're going to work with going forward, right? Wow.
Ludovic Blain:
And that fake rule is based on thinking that c3 money is more values aligned, more progressive, more impactful, conflating all those things. Whether your commitment is to racial justice, anti-white supremacy, whatever the value piece, you can express that across every tax status. And in fact, I would argue again, these are for foundations are post money getting locked up. I'm talking about donors. When donors on their first decision lock up the money that lowers the ceiling of their ability to pursue their goals. So actually putting money just into c3 activities is in and of itself less just,
Glen Galaich:
I hear you.
Ludovic Blain:
Once you put into c3 money, you can't fund other things. Every other kind of money, you can turn that money into c3 money because the other tax statuses of money are still more flexible and can eventually be spent on c3 activities. Then I believe that a c3 only strategy for racial justice is not a hundred percent c3 racial justice strategy because a big part of the strategy was actually pursuing a tax benefit for the original donor. And then the remaining part is for racial justice. Now, the tax benefit is squeezing out. You can only do one thing at a time. So if the priority is a tax benefit and they're guaranteed to get the tax benefit, the pursuit of racial equity is a maybe, right?
Glen Galaich:
Right. And as we were talking about earlier, once you are locked in to that slice, if you will, that's status c3. The next fake rule that comes is the world around you that ecosystem the water, you're not going to be able to see it now. And then once you've done that, you can't get out of the grip of it to work in a more coordinated fashion across all these different ways that change gets made using financial resource.
Ludovic Blain:
And so what is crucial for philanthropy is not just to see what I think some of the best foundations and other philanthropists try to do, which is to see what's the water around them and what's in the water around them, but actually what is outside of the water.
Glen Galaich:
So pulling out a metaphor and into reality here, that means you've got all these different players. I'm coming back to what you said earlier, politicians and politics, labor unions and their activities, corporations and their activities, these are all going on. And in a 501(c)3 environment, you may not even notice that around you and you see yourself as, which I think is such an important fake rule we follow as the center of all things and how they change. It's almost like a, I don't want to keep going metaphorically here, but it's like being on a treadmill that doesn't seem to ever go anywhere. People talk all the time about how I work in the foundation sector. I've been observing the foundation sector. And as it gets larger, less seems to get done and you're kind of bringing something to everybody here to say that's because you're working inside one little piece here.
Ludovic Blain:
And it's once the donor has decided to get the tax deduction, and again, I keep saying that because no sane person would say, I would like to pursue my idea change, but only with a limited set of strategies. So there's no donor who that's the pitch of why they give it to c3. So then we cannot allow that to limit the strategic decisions of the whole movement space.
Glen Galaich:
Exactly. That's where it starts.
Ludovic Blain:
For folks within foundations, they're already in that restricted space. And what they need to realize is that there's these other spaces that they may not be able to live in, they can visit but need to understand the alignment. So to give a concrete example, usually the story that grantees tell to foundations is we worked in this community for 30 or 40 years.
We fought really hard. We organized, we talked to communities and our elected officials were really bad and we held all kind of actions on them and everything. And then all of a sudden stuff changed and our elected officials started carrying our bills and now we're relatively successful. The stuff is passing, it's going good. That's the C3 story. Wow. I've heard foundations say, great, you organized so much that your thing started to pass and that was great. And I want to hear from the community leaders who did it. And then they tell the tactics of the story.
And then what I've had to interrupt with some of our grantees and other folks is, oh, so when you said things suddenly started to change six years ago, you started to do partisan work eight years ago, and after a couple of years of doing that, you beat the bad guy who was representing your district who was killing all your bills. You replaced him with this progressive woman who is carrying all your bills, and then your bill started to pass. So the c3 part identified the problem, identified some of the solutions, built a constituency for it, educated the community and the voters, and then at some point you got to the end of your c3 accountability work because you found all that stuff out and they basically said no. And you did all strategies. You used academic strategies, you did reports
Glen Galaich:
To try to influence the players.
Ludovic Blain:
Right, rallies to try to influence them. You had people crying, you showed the babies, you did all the things, and sometimes even they were crying, but they did not change their policy. So in that case, see through accountability only goes so far because it does not include replacement. And some people will change with hearing facts or emotions or examples, and some people are not. For those folks, we actually have to replace them. That is still accountability, but obviously accountability always has to include replacement. And so that's where the C3 change strategies falter because you cannot change the politician through C3 activities. So reminding those groups to say, and then we need a different tax status money, so we beat the bad guy.
Glen Galaich:
So I want to stop you here because I think you're getting into some really interesting strategic questions. I'm wondering, is there a fake rule out there that says in the progressive side of things that this idea of organizing and movement building, which we do celebrate and it has had its wins, has limits that we don't really talk about?
Ludovic Blain:
I would unpack it in a few ways. First, c3 organizing is limited not because of the organizing, but because of the c3 part. And so if we conflate organizing with just c3 organizing, then it is extremely limited. No actual community member, after lobbying their city council member and their city council member saying no over five years, no local community resident would say, I would rather just keep trying to change his mind over electing somebody better than him. That's actually regular people. They would say at some point, Hey, I don't think this guy's going to change his mind. So is there somebody better than him? Can we get somebody? So actually regular people come up with those ideas. But the c3 restrictions from that, again, derived purely from the funders. Nobody on the recipient side was like, yes, I would like to just have the most limited type of money possible
Glen Galaich:
And potentially lose as a result of that.
Ludovic Blain:
and then lose.
Glen Galaich:
Yeah.
Ludovic Blain:
So that's one piece is that too many of us envision functional activities like organizing as being limited by the tax status. So then we have this industry around c3 folks, both the givers and the recipients, but you can do c4 organizing because at the point when people are fed up with their politician, the next thing to do is not to say, well, let's talk to him one more time. It's to say, well, which one of us can beat him? And that is the actual natural next stage. If there weren't the c3 limitations, once you start doing c4 and political activities, you now have created a possibility of electing somebody who you like and who likes you. Maybe it's even you.
Glen Galaich:
So you're sitting in a c3 space right now, and people sometimes are in this space and they work here, and many of them are programmatic officers, as we call them at the foundation for any program officer watching this, and I think we have a few, what do they need to start learning about to get to some wins?
Ludovic Blain:
So I want to say first of all, some c3 program officers are my best friends. Well, this, and I have some of my, you said today that they wouldn't be right. That's not their fault, right? Right. So the previous piece was around the donor decision,
Glen Galaich:
Right. Of course.
Ludovic Blain:
For c3 funds, they're crucial for two parts of the work. The first is in the oppositionality part, turning problems into things that can be dealt with community buy-in to figure out what the solutions are, community education to build, to scale towards accountability.
Glen Galaich:
Accountability for?
Ludovic Blain:
For the decision makers, whether they're elected officials or appointed or corporations, whoever are the decision makers. And then sometimes that will work in and of itself, sometimes it won't, and then there will require another step of different tax status, political money intervention to change the elected officials
Glen Galaich:
And the political money to review is c4 money?
Ludovic Blain:
Or actually direct candidate contributions. It's a mix of different things from a donor, but then foundations have a crucial second part, which is when the power building worked, that was c3 through c3 and political money, we got the community to be able to hold power. So the power building, the goal of power building is power holding, right? Power building. You didn't have it. Now you have at least some of it. Once people get their hands on some of the power, whether it's electoral or you pass your bill, there is power wielding and the power wielding, the post-election power wielding work is entirely c3. The election already happened. Now there's somebody better. Maybe that person is from the community from even one of the groups and they are aligned. And now the meeting is about, so how do we get there? Because now you only have the opportunity to have good outcomes.
Glen Galaich:
I'm going to just interject here and say I think we're entering a world that I would guess based, I'm going to go off of your experience here. A lot of program officers are not thinking about
Ludovic Blain:
Power wielding is crucial and it requires different tools and power building because when you have elected officials that are aligned with the groups, you're really not going to do any rallies. You're not going to do protests. What they're actually asking you is, so I'm the mayor and I'm going to put in a budget. I don't want your budget items. I want what the community wants to be the whole budget. Now that's harder. All of you give me a budget. Items that cost a trillion dollars. I can already tell you we don't have a trillion dollars in the budget.
Glen Galaich:
Right.
Ludovic Blain:
So that's not really helpful.
Glen Galaich:
So we've got to make some decisions together.
Ludovic Blain:
Right, so we have to make decisions together. Right now that is extremely challenging because before that, the community was not making decisions at scale because they did not have power. They were building power.
But when you go from power building to power wielding, you actually have to take that power because if the community groups don't take that power, someone else will because the mayor is putting in a budget. And so one turns out institutional racism and other forms of oppression are real. So merely exchanging one bad person for a better person doesn't change the whole system
Glen Galaich:
Doesn't change the whole thing.
Ludovic Blain:
So actually turns out that now what you really did is broaden the team of the do-gooders from just the organizations to a couple of elected officials, maybe a couple of appointed officials. And now the groups need to both listen to what the elected officials need and also plan with them collaboratively of, well, how much power can we wield when you're trying to do things and it's not happening? Why is that? Previously when it was other folks, we thought it was because we were not values aligned. So we didn't even think they were trying. We are assuming you're trying and we are noticing it's not happening. Why is that? So concrete examples of that are many good folks get elected and tell their staff to do stuff, and their staff tell them, no protesting the elected official for the things not happening doesn't fix the insubordination. That's actually happening because they are doing what we want them to do, which is to tell their staff what to do. And that's all they can do is tell their staff what to do. The next thing they can do is fire their staff. Again, you're going back to the accountability piece of, well, you don't want to have it, that they're just continually telling their staff to do stuff and their staff is not doing it. And so your responses, well tell them again, eventually you need to fire those staff and get better staff. So all these incremental changes require a type of infrastructure that is parallel to, but different than the community organizing infrastructure.
Glen Galaich:
So this is the critical moment where we talk about CDT and when we met, this is the type of conversation we had. We were just interested in investing in democracy. And honestly, Ludovic, we had a zoom call at the time. I think we were still in Covid. You absolutely blew my mind. I came off of that and I went, oh my gosh, I know nothing yet. The good news is CDT is here, California donor table. So can you just give us a sense, I think you've given us a sense of your work. This has been a big buildup in a way to obviously where you've centered CDT. When do you come in here? How are you helpful to this whole picture?
Ludovic Blain:
Sure. So we've been around almost 20 years. We center building power in progressive communities of color by investing across tax status in various power building
Glen Galaich:
And we all know what that means now.
Ludovic Blain:
And power wielding activities. We work with individual donors, foundations, both with living donors and ones without living donors, as well as some labor unions and other institutions to have them help them figure out where their lanes are, who they can align with, and how we build the necessary infrastructure for huge nation state like California to move forward both for the benefits of our state and the nation since we're a significant part of the nation. And so for individual donors, we help them figure out how to allocate their different kinds of funds and how to do that collaboratively. So we're not donor advisors, we're donor organizers. So we don't ask the donors, well, what do you want to do? Let me help you do that. We say, well, here's what we're doing. You should help us do that. And then we help foundations understand their lanes, how they can invest most strategically, how amongst other things they can invest in more than just oppositionality strategies that they're responsible for some wins that their tax status didn't directly cause and they're responsible for having the best return on investment of those outcomes. As well as helping donors understand that when C3 funders have made something possible, you need to jump in at that moment to make the next thing possible. So everybody has their lane.
Glen Galaich:
You're like a conductor.
Ludovic Blain:
So we are a conductor. California's a dense state both in terms of population but also wealth and it's very concentrated on the coast and much of the work happens inland.
So we also help donors understand, in addition to flying over the whole country and giving to Stacey Abrams and other folks in Georgia, Florida, Texas, et cetera, they need to invest in the first two or 300 miles of the flight, right of the flight, including in California. Don't wait until you get out of California to invest, to invest slightly eastward of here. So helping in a partisan way, red and purple areas of the state move towards blue, and then helping the blue areas of the state move towards progressive. In a c3 context, we help funders understand, for example, when San Diego moved from being one of the most conservative places in the country in terms of elected leadership, which was larger due to our aligned funding across tax statuses, to having one of the most progressive boards of supervisors in the state, that requires a much more robust think tank infrastructure. Because when you have three out of five board of supervisor members who are progressive, they actually, like I said before, don't want budget items. They want the whole budget. And actually they don't just want an operating budget, which is where most of the nonprofits operate. But they want a capital budget,
Glen Galaich:
Right. Because they want to build stuff.
Ludovic Blain:
Because they want to build stuff. If it is a predominantly people of color county, then the people of color 30 years from now are going to own the water pipes now. And if they're going to be mad that we did not change the water pipes now, then we did not pursue racial justice, you cannot pursue racial justice. I get it. Merely from operating expenses.
Glen Galaich:
Absolutely. That is, that's the definition and the action.
Ludovic Blain:
So we help the funders and the groups try to understand, well, what are the new types of infrastructure that we need as regions are moving across an ideological spectrum, and how do we learn lessons across the region so that we don't have to reinvent the wheel every time a region actually has success?
Glen Galaich:
I think what I'm going to say right now is that every season, if we have another season of this show, I'm bringing you back for each one because I just think there's layers and levels. I feel like we maybe did the 101 today, we may have gotten a 101, but this is like a 201, 301. This is very complicated stuff. And what I want to say in closing today is that having myself broken a few fake rules, I'm like in awe of you Ludovic, because you've looked at a world where we thought, we saw where people see barriers. You see the permeability of these barriers as completely transparent. We can move through this,
But I also know from working with you and knowing some of the extraordinary wins you have participated in that once those barriers are broken, new problems arose, and that's the nature of change. It's really messy. So I just kind of want to close on this topic just really quickly of what is it? What is the work of breaking a fake rule and how does someone do it and do it with the kind of grace that, well, you're not going to say this about yourself. I'll say the grace that you do to keep it all going, to not give up to see it as just part of the process and keep rolling. What does it take?
Ludovic Blain:
So I've been the head of CDT for 15 years. I've learned a lot from a whole village, and we've learned collectively, it takes being focused on the goal and agnostic as to what it takes to get there and to be focused on the goal, and then figuring out what needs to be assembled to get to that goal, and then constantly learning along the way. And then lastly, realizing that the goal, like you described, the goal is just one of the steps we need to do. And sometimes you arrive at your goal and you realize, oh, we have these other problems. We did not realize, I thought that we could elect progressives and then we would get progressive governance.
Now when the glass ceiling folks remarked to me, oh, you elected a bunch of women of color as executives and now they're having problems governing because their staff don't want to listen to them. Have you heard of the glass ceiling? And I'm like, well, yeah, I did, but I thought we would just elect. I thought that was for companies. I mean, but now that you said that,
gotcha. Yes, that is exactly what's happening. So each time you have a success, you get to a new set of problems that you couldn't see because you actually never had that power before. So you didn't know what it took to do that next step. So we're constantly learning along the way and we work with, and the broader our coalition is, the more members we have, the more allies we have, the more we can all learn and teach each other so that we can quicken the pace of learning, quicken the pace of failures and successes so that we can show the state what a real multiracial democracy looks like and show the country that it's possible. And at this point, California is one of the most diverse states with the least amount of apartheid, really. And so it is our responsibility in the state to show the rest of the country who is deciding whether we should continue our experiment on multiracial democracy or not. And all program officers, donor advisors, label leaders here, we need to work together to make it work because how much longer we have is partially contingent on whether we can make this work here.
Glen Galaich:
I want to just thank you so much for joining us today. You, there's so much here, and I'm glad to hear that you keep learning because that's why we'll have you back. We want to know what you've learned. So thank you so much for joining us, and thank you so much for joining us on another edition of Break Fake Rules.
Next time on Break Fake Rules. We are with a full studio audience. That's right, and we're joined by not one, but two outstanding rule breakers leading anti-racist scholar and bestselling author, Dr. Ibram Kendi and CEO of Grantmakers for Effective Organizations, Marcus Walton. Tune into the discussion to uncover the fake rules about race and how to become an anti-racist funder.
Thank you for tuning into Break Fake Rules. This show is brought to you by the Stupski Foundation, where we are returning all our resources to the communities we call home in Hawaiʻi and the San Francisco Bay Area by 2029. Our producer extraordinaire is Claire Callahan. The show is mixed and edited by Patrick Childers of Odd Conduit Media. Special thanks to our videographers and visual production team who fly from all over the world to be a part of this. Steve Johnson and Brooke Van Dam of See Boundless. Subscribe to the Stupski Foundation YouTube channel to watch videos of each episode. You can find us on YouTube by searching Stupski Foundation. We hope these conversations don't end here. So join the conversation with me on LinkedIn.